DHJL
RELIGION ON TOUR
The Palmyrene cult in Rome and Dura-Europos
As of 2015, the city of Palmyra has been on the news regularly. Unfortunately, we have to say. The UNESCO World heritage is under direct threat of the Islamic State, which threatens to destroy the city. But there is a lot more to tell about this beautiful city than stories of pillaging and war. The ancient city has a rich cultural and religious history, that should not turn to dust.
The city was founded at the spring of the Efca in the second millenium BC. It formed an important stop for caravans crossing the Syrian desert. The city became prosperous under the Roman empire, and reached its pinnacle of importance in the second century AD. With her unique place between two world empires, the Roman in the west and the Parthian in the east, Palmyra managed to maintain her own culture, language and pantheon.
The religion of Palmyra did not remain solely in the oasis of Palmyra. It travelled, along with the migrants of Palmyra, even to places at a great distance of the city. How, with whom and in what form is the subject of this webpage.
The city was founded at the spring of the Efca in the second millenium BC. It formed an important stop for caravans crossing the Syrian desert. The city became prosperous under the Roman empire, and reached its pinnacle of importance in the second century AD. With her unique place between two world empires, the Roman in the west and the Parthian in the east, Palmyra managed to maintain her own culture, language and pantheon.
The religion of Palmyra did not remain solely in the oasis of Palmyra. It travelled, along with the migrants of Palmyra, even to places at a great distance of the city. How, with whom and in what form is the subject of this webpage.
The migrants |
There are two main groups which took the religion of Palmyra to foreign places. In the first place, those migrants consisted of merchants. As a caravan-city, Palmyra owed her prosperity to trade. Merchants from Palmyra travelled long distances in order to sell their goods.
The second group of migrants that are analyzed here are the Palmyrene soldiers. The Palmyrene archers were renowned for their strength, and from the second century AD onwards the Romans used their skills for the Roman army. |
The case-studies |
Palmyrene migrants are identified in multiple cultures, even at a great distance of their homeland, Palmyra. Two cases are given special attention here. The first case study is Dura-Europos, a caravan-city 200 kilometres east from Palmyra. At Dura-Europos there was a significant Palmyrene community from 32 BC until the sack of Dura in 256 AD. That community consisted of both merchants and soldiers, in fairly separated groups.
In the second case study, special attention will be given to Rome. As capital city of the Roman Empire, this city has a completely different nature than the Syrian caravan-city of Dura-Europos. Consequently, the city provides a whole new perspective on the migration of the Palmyrene religion. |
These maps are clearly showing the position of Palmyra in the Roman/Parthian trading networks.
Maps: (above) based on Gawlikowsky, 'Palmyre et l'Euphrate', Syria 60-1 (1983), 54. (right) based on China and Rome 'Beginning of the Silk Road', link to original map Cropping and orange underlining are own work DHJL |
Religion on tour: Palmyra as a starting point
Now that the main elements of this research are introduced, it is time to turn to the main question of this page. To which extent did the Palmyrenes in Rome and Dura-Europos cling to their traditional religious cult during the first three centuries AD?
To answer that question, it is important to analyse the place of Palmyra, both cultural and in the perspective of netwerk theory. There are several elements of Palmyra that create the unique position the oasis city took.
Palmyra and trade - It is mentioned before, but it is important to keep in mind that Palmyra was a trading city. A great deal of the trade passing Palmyra originated in (the growth of) the Roman empire. This meant that the city knew a distinctive growth and welfare during the first centuries AD, the period that is analysed here. Towards the end of the third century, Palmyrene kings and queens rose in power, ending with the famous queen Zenobia who revolted against the Romans and was captured in 273. Afterwards, the city never rose to its previous power and welfare again. So, the Palmyrenes were strongly connected to the Roman empire. The Roman network left traces on the city.
Palmyra and the military - That Roman connection expressed itself most strongly in the Palmyrenes active in the Roman army. From the second century on, the famous Palmyrene archers were deployed in the Roman army, in a special force called the numerus Palmyrenorum. They were spread all across the Roman empire, especially around the borders. This is one of the main reasons why there was such a major Palmyrene community in Dura-Europos, on the fringe of the Roman empire. But the Roman network expressed itself also in the city organisation.
Palmyrene tribes - In the first century AD the Romans divided the oasis city in four districts, as was common in the Roman empire. These districts followed a much older Palmyrene organising system: the tribes. Palmyra was a society based on kinship. This resulted in tribes, of which four were the most prominent and formed the basis for the Roman districts. Those tribes become important for our research if we take into account that every tribe had their 'own' god or gods. Those ancestral gods later grew to be gods of the city in general, and were worshipped by the migrants as well. The most important gods (in the light of this research at least) are introduced below:
To answer that question, it is important to analyse the place of Palmyra, both cultural and in the perspective of netwerk theory. There are several elements of Palmyra that create the unique position the oasis city took.
Palmyra and trade - It is mentioned before, but it is important to keep in mind that Palmyra was a trading city. A great deal of the trade passing Palmyra originated in (the growth of) the Roman empire. This meant that the city knew a distinctive growth and welfare during the first centuries AD, the period that is analysed here. Towards the end of the third century, Palmyrene kings and queens rose in power, ending with the famous queen Zenobia who revolted against the Romans and was captured in 273. Afterwards, the city never rose to its previous power and welfare again. So, the Palmyrenes were strongly connected to the Roman empire. The Roman network left traces on the city.
Palmyra and the military - That Roman connection expressed itself most strongly in the Palmyrenes active in the Roman army. From the second century on, the famous Palmyrene archers were deployed in the Roman army, in a special force called the numerus Palmyrenorum. They were spread all across the Roman empire, especially around the borders. This is one of the main reasons why there was such a major Palmyrene community in Dura-Europos, on the fringe of the Roman empire. But the Roman network expressed itself also in the city organisation.
Palmyrene tribes - In the first century AD the Romans divided the oasis city in four districts, as was common in the Roman empire. These districts followed a much older Palmyrene organising system: the tribes. Palmyra was a society based on kinship. This resulted in tribes, of which four were the most prominent and formed the basis for the Roman districts. Those tribes become important for our research if we take into account that every tribe had their 'own' god or gods. Those ancestral gods later grew to be gods of the city in general, and were worshipped by the migrants as well. The most important gods (in the light of this research at least) are introduced below:
Four important Palmyrene gods and their place in the Palmyrene pantheon. In Italic their function is indicated. Malakbel has a special place here, because his importance differed in Palmyra and Dura-Europos/Rome. To the right (in circles) two Roman gods are placed. Those gods were not worshipped in Palmyra, but certain migrants did worship them.
Hierarchical structure own work DHJL
Dura-EuroposAs another important caravan-city located at the river the Euphrates, Dura-Europos had strong connections with Palmyra. In 160 AD it became part of the Roman empire, until then it had mostly been under Parthian control.
In Dura-Europos there is a clear distinction between the worshipping of the merchants and that of the soldiers. Merchants in Dura-Europos mainly dedicated their inscriptions and altars to a specific triad of Palmyrene gods: Bel, the supreme god combined with Iarhibol and Aglibol. In this specific combination, the latter two represent the sun and the moon respectively. Notably, Iarhibol and Aglibol are two gods deriving from different tribes. Moreover, Iarhibol is traditionally depicted as god of the Efca, not in his function as sun-god. So, compared to Palmyrene tradition, we see a slight swift in ways of worshipping. The tribal dimension seems to have faded away in Dura-Europos, and the merchants have a particular preference for this triad. The reduced importance of tribal structures could be explained through the fact that merchants co-operated with fellow Palmyrenes, irrespective of the tribes they belonged to. To gain blessings of their gods for their work, they had to resort to gods they shared, in stead of concentrating on their own tribal gods. The story of the soldiers is fairly different. Unlike the merchants, who formed their own community, they had to adapt to the traditions and cults common in the Roman army, of which they were a part. This meant that the Palmyrene soldiers also worshipped gods outside their own pantheon. Two noteable cases are the cult of Mithras and the cult of Sol Invictus. Mithras was a popular deity in the Roman army and Palmyrene archers also worshipped him, as the altar below show. Sol Invictus, the Invincible Sun, showed particular similarities with a Palmyrene god, Malakbel. The Palmyrene archers stationed at Dura-Europos seemed to have a strong preference for Malakbel, as a sun-god. This might be explained through the similarity of Sol Invictus, which meant that they could stay close to their own culture and not differ too much from the rest of their social network, the Roman army. |
RomeThe capital of the Roman empire was a fairly different city than both Palmyra and Dura-Europos. Both geographical, as Rome was a part of the Italian peninsula, and cultural. Rome was a melting pot of cultures, deriving from all parts of the empire. The Palmyrenes as well took up a small place in this melting pot, although traces are harder to find than is the case at Dura-Europos. Thus, the distinction between merchants and soldiers cannot be made as clear as in Dura-Europos. Yet, sometimes the inscriptions do tell us something about the dedicators. For example there is an inscription that mentions the worshipping of a Palmyrene soldier towards Malakbel. Here we see the similarity with the soldiers at Dura-Europos.
An altar that became most famous in this respect is the one that is depicted below. This altar is dedicated to both Sol Invictus (in Latin) and Malakbel (in Palmyrene) by a certain Tiberius Claudius Felix. The syncretism on this altar is striking. Often, the altar has been used as an argument for the thesis that the Palmyrenes were assimilated in the Roman community. But on the other hand, the altar shows that even at a great distance, the Palmyrenes clinged to their own gods, alongside with gods from the local culture. Other Palmyrene inscriptions found in Rome basically tell the same story. Most of them bear an syncretic element and most are dedicated to Malakbel. For example, a few of them are written in Latin or Greek. On the other hand, an altar that has been found in Rome has the same dedicator as an altar found in the main temple of Bel, in Palmyra. Apparently, the ties with Palmyra were at least in some instances still strong. The preference of the Roman Palmyrenes for Malakbel as a sun-god, and his appearance in combination with Sol Invictus seem to suggest that the process of syncretism was at work in Rome. Malakbel had only a minor place in the pantheon in Palmyra, but grew to importance in the migrant communities at Rome and Dura-Europos. |
Left: Altar found in Dura-Europos, dedicated to the Palmyrene god Yarhibol (link to original picture)
Middle: Altar (Dura-Europos) dedicated by Palmyrene archers to the Roman god Mithras (link to original) Right: Altar found in Rome, dedicated both to Sol Invictus and Malakbel (D. Diffendale, 'Sol Sanctissimus') |
Conclusion
When we speak of networking in ancient times, religion is not the first thing that comes to mind. However, religion greatly influenced ánd was influenced by networks. As we see from the information that is given on this website, even small-community based religions like that of the Palmyrenes changed under the effect of migration. Palmyra itself was a trading city, inbedded in a network of traderoutes which led from Rome to Asia and back. This 'international' position caused a large group of migrants. Two case studies are mentioned here, Rome and Dura-Europos. In both cities we see a continuation of the Palmyrene religon, but in a slightly different form than was at use at Palmyra. Mostly we see worshipping for four specific gods: Bel, in combination with Iarhibol and Aglibol as sun- and moon-god and Malakbel as a sun-god. In Palmyra, Malakbel was just a minor god. The shift can be explained through networktheory: the local preferences are connected to the social networks the dedicators lived in. Merchants had to loosen their tribal links in order to be able to co-operate cross-tribally and soldiers combined their Palmyrene religion with cults that were common in the Roman army.
In summary, the question To which extent did the Palmyrenes in Rome and Dura-Europos cling to their traditional religious cult during the first three centuries AD? could be answered twofold. On the one hand, it is notably that most migrants even at a great distance still worshipped their Palmyrene gods, on the other hand, migrants in both Rome and Dura-Europos share a preference for certain gods that is not mirrored in Palmyra.
In summary, the question To which extent did the Palmyrenes in Rome and Dura-Europos cling to their traditional religious cult during the first three centuries AD? could be answered twofold. On the one hand, it is notably that most migrants even at a great distance still worshipped their Palmyrene gods, on the other hand, migrants in both Rome and Dura-Europos share a preference for certain gods that is not mirrored in Palmyra.
D.H.J.L.
Further reading
Andrade, N.J. Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.
Baird, J. 'Shopping, eating and drinking in Dura-Europos' in Objects in Context, Objects in Use: Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity ed. T. Putzeys, E. Swift, L. Lavan. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007.
Collar, A. Religious Networks in the Roman Empire – the Spread of New Ideas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.
Dirven, L. The Palmyrenes of Dura-Europos – a study of religious interaction in Roman Syria. Leiden: Brill, 1990.
Dirven, L. 'The Palmyrene Diaspora in East and West - a Syrian community in the diaspora in the Roman World.' Strangers and Sojourners: Religious Communities in Diaspora, ed. Gerrie ter Haar, 77-94. Leuven: Peeters, 1998.
Downey, S.B. The Stone and Plaster Sculpture, excavations at Dura-Europos. Los Angeles: The Institute of Archaeology, 1977.
Drijvers, H.J.W. 'Die Dea Syria und andere syrische Gottheiten im Imperium Romanum', Die orientalistische Religionen im Römerreich, ed. M. Vermasseren, 241-263. Leiden: Brill, 1981.
Hillers, D.R., Cussini, E. Palmyrene Aramaic Texts. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.
Houston, G.W. 'The Altar from Rome with inscriptions to Sol and Malakbel'. Syria, 1990 67-1, 189-193.
Gawlikowski, M. 'Palmyre et l'Euphrate'. Syria 60/1-2, 53-68.
Kaizer, T. The religious life of Palmyra: a study of the social patterns of worship in the Roman Period. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2002.
Mesnil, du, Bossoin, du. ed. Inventaire de inscriptions palmyréniennes de Doura-Europos. Parijs: P. Geuthner, 1939.
Smith, Andrew M. Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.
Stark, J.K. Personal names in Palmyrene inscriptions. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971.
Teixidor, J. The Pantheon of Palmyra. Leiden: Brill, 1979.
Teixidor, J. ed. Inventaire de inscriptions de Palmyre. Damascus-Beirut, 1965.
Baird, J. 'Shopping, eating and drinking in Dura-Europos' in Objects in Context, Objects in Use: Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity ed. T. Putzeys, E. Swift, L. Lavan. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007.
Collar, A. Religious Networks in the Roman Empire – the Spread of New Ideas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.
Dirven, L. The Palmyrenes of Dura-Europos – a study of religious interaction in Roman Syria. Leiden: Brill, 1990.
Dirven, L. 'The Palmyrene Diaspora in East and West - a Syrian community in the diaspora in the Roman World.' Strangers and Sojourners: Religious Communities in Diaspora, ed. Gerrie ter Haar, 77-94. Leuven: Peeters, 1998.
Downey, S.B. The Stone and Plaster Sculpture, excavations at Dura-Europos. Los Angeles: The Institute of Archaeology, 1977.
Drijvers, H.J.W. 'Die Dea Syria und andere syrische Gottheiten im Imperium Romanum', Die orientalistische Religionen im Römerreich, ed. M. Vermasseren, 241-263. Leiden: Brill, 1981.
Hillers, D.R., Cussini, E. Palmyrene Aramaic Texts. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.
Houston, G.W. 'The Altar from Rome with inscriptions to Sol and Malakbel'. Syria, 1990 67-1, 189-193.
Gawlikowski, M. 'Palmyre et l'Euphrate'. Syria 60/1-2, 53-68.
Kaizer, T. The religious life of Palmyra: a study of the social patterns of worship in the Roman Period. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2002.
Mesnil, du, Bossoin, du. ed. Inventaire de inscriptions palmyréniennes de Doura-Europos. Parijs: P. Geuthner, 1939.
Smith, Andrew M. Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.
Stark, J.K. Personal names in Palmyrene inscriptions. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971.
Teixidor, J. The Pantheon of Palmyra. Leiden: Brill, 1979.
Teixidor, J. ed. Inventaire de inscriptions de Palmyre. Damascus-Beirut, 1965.